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Country News

Bangladesh is at a dangerous crossroads. Endless conflict or long-term stability—what is the nation's destiny?

An interview with freedom fighter and human rights advocate Delwar Jahid.

Delwar Jahid, a Canadian of Bangladeshi origin, is a political scientist, human rights lawyer, and journalist. He is a senior research fellow at several universities and a distinguished sociologist with links to European media and academia. Since 2003, Zahid has worked at St. Paul's College, University of Manitoba, and Professor Dr. Dean E. co-founded the Canadian Conflict Resolution Network with Peachey. His notable research, "Arbitration - The Rural Mediation of Bangladesh," has been referenced in international publications, and he has long been an advocate for transitional justice and human rights reform in Bangladesh, contributing to the movement alongside such notables as Father RW Timm and Justice Kamal Uddin Hussain. He is the President of the Bangladesh North American Journalists Network and serves on the board of directors of the John Howard Society of Manitoba, Canada. In this interview, he shares his insights on the recent student-led movement in Bangladesh, the role of the interim government, and the implications for peace and stability in the region.

Q: Can you briefly describe the student-political landscape in Bangladesh leading up to the August 5 Revolution? What grievances mobilized the people, and what could this mean for the country's future?

Delwar Jahid: Bangladesh's July-August 2024 student movement is an unprecedented blow to equality. What began as an anti-quota student movement—an apolitical front formed by students demanding quota reforms—quickly became a broad non-cooperation movement that eventually gained the support of various political parties. This wave of activism catalyzed significant changes, including pressure on Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina, who eventually left the country.

The movement aims to advance fairness and justice in educational institutions. At its core, it seeks to eliminate all forms of discrimination, ensuring equal opportunities for students regardless of background. Students have taken a strong stand against racism, sexism, and various forms of prejudice, using mass protests to voice their demands. The change on August 5 represents a push for immediate reforms and a shift towards lasting social transformation in Bangladesh, with equality for all students as a central principle.

Question: What was the constitutional framework when the interim government assumed power with the recent political changes?

Delwar Jahid: Bangladesh is constitutionally constituted as a parliamentary democracy, which sets out a clear hierarchy and process for governance. The President is the ceremonial head of state, elected every five years by the Jatiya Sangsad (National Parliament). At the same time, the Prime Minister – appointed by the President – is the executive leader and head of government. This framework outlines checks and balances across branches, yet rapid political changes raise critical questions about stability.

During the transition, more clarity was needed about how constitutional norms were maintained, particularly the role of interim and executive powers. Going forward, the future of this transitional governance structure will likely depend on its commitment to open governance, reforms, and upholding democratic principles.

Legal experts are skeptical about the legitimacy of Yunus's government under Bangladesh's existing legal framework. The constitution of the People's Republic of Bangladesh, promulgated in 1972, must be strictly adhered to to form any government in Bangladesh. This constitution sets out clear procedures for ensuring legitimacy, democratic values, and the rule of law that reflects the people's will—steps that seem to have been ignored in this instance. Amid growing political unrest, questions surrounding the legitimacy of this government have intensified.

Historically, in times of political crisis, Bangladesh has appointed caretaker governments to oversee elections. However, the system was abolished in 2011 through the 15th Amendment, a controversial move contested by many political parties calling for its reinstatement. Attempts to establish government authority outside this constitutional framework undermine Bangladesh's democratic principles.

Recent Political Reaction:

BNP Secretary General Mirza Fakhrul Islam Alamgir (September 22, 2024) strongly criticized the approach of the interim government. He questioned the government's legitimacy, claiming it was detached from the people, noting that "no reform is sustainable without the participation of the people." Fakhrul argued that banning student politics would primarily benefit the "powers of darkness" and suggested that the government consult political leaders to gauge public sentiment on governance reforms. On September 21, Fakhrul described the interim government as lacking the "revolutionary" government drive necessary to bring about meaningful change and stressed that "the will of the people must be taken into account."

On October 31, Sajib Wazed Joy, chief adviser to the interim government, published a critical Facebook post targeting Muhammad Yunus, accusing him of a "power grab" and describing him as "Bangladesh's biggest fascist." Joy insisted that the Awami League, Bangladesh's oldest and largest political party, would not be undermined or banned. He criticized Yunus's government for alleged restrictions on media freedom, drawing parallels with past authoritarian regimes.

Way Ahead --- This government's future legitimacy is uncertain, plagued by political fragmentation and governance instability. Concerns persist over human rights abuses, restrictions on media freedom, and the possible resettlement of anti-independence figures. Meanwhile, proposed changes to the national anthem, flag, and constitutional principles in the name of reform are adding fuel to the ongoing political fire. The government's ability to move the country forward remains questioned as it grapples with growing opposition and unresolved legitimacy issues.

In conclusion, the current political environment in Bangladesh highlights deep-seated concerns about regime legitimacy, constitutional loyalty, and the role of public participation in shaping the country's future. Legal experts and political leaders have raised critical questions about the legitimacy of Yunus' interim government, especially in light of constitutional requirements and recent political upheavals. As the country grapples with these issues, calls for genuine democratic engagement and a return to constitutional principles grow louder. This period is likely to prove crucial for Bangladesh, as its leaders face the challenging but essential task of reconciling political divisions, respecting democratic norms, and prioritizing people's will. How the government chooses to navigate this path will define its legacy and the future trajectory of democracy in Bangladesh.

Interviewer M. Rahman


By Delwar Jahid

Mob justice, or vigilantism, refers to instances where groups of people take the law into their own hands to punish those accused of crimes, bypassing legal procedures and due process. In Bangladesh, this practice has become increasingly concerning, particularly since the student-led protests in August 2024. These protests have drawn widespread attention to issues of security, governance, and public accountability.

This phenomenon is not new. In August 2018, a movement led by students, triggered by the death of two students in a road accident in Dhaka, saw thousands take to the streets to demand safer roads and better enforcement of traffic laws. While these protests were largely peaceful, they highlighted widespread dissatisfaction with the rule of law in Bangladesh and revealed deep frustrations over corruption and a perceived lack of accountability among those in power.

Following these protests, there was a notable increase in reported incidents of mob justice across the country. Many citizens, disillusioned with the legal system, began to take matters into their own hands, believing that justice would not be served through official channels.

The Perceived Effectiveness of Mob Justice

Proponents of mob justice argue that it acts as a deterrent to crime, particularly in communities where law enforcement is seen as weak or corrupt. When there is a lack of trust in the police or the justice system, people may feel compelled to take justice into their own hands, believing this instant form of punishment to be more effective than the slow and often inefficient legal system.

The Negative Consequences of Mob Justice

However, the consequences of mob justice are overwhelmingly negative. It often leads to unjust punishment and retaliatory violence, sometimes resulting in the death of innocent people. Decisions are made in the heat of the moment, without proper investigation or evidence, denying the accused the opportunity to defend themselves and leading to miscarriages of justice.

Mob justice perpetuates a cycle of violence and fosters an environment of fear and insecurity. It undermines the rule of law, weakens institutions meant to uphold justice, and often exacerbates conflict, leading to greater social unrest.

A Case in Point: The Death of Abdullah Al Masood

A recent example illustrates the dangers of mob justice. Two days after the death of Abdullah Al Masood, a former leader of the Rajshahi University Chhatra League, no case had been filed regarding the attack that led to his death. On September 7, Masood, aged 31, was attacked near Rajshahi University and handed over to the police with serious injuries. He died later in the hospital. Despite a video showing Masood speaking after the attack, no witnesses have come forward, and the police have yet to receive a formal complaint from his family. Masood's family expressed concerns about legal action due to fears of reprisal. The Vice-Chancellor of Rajshahi University stated that the university was considering filing a case on the family's behalf. Masood, who became a father just days before his death, had previously been attacked in 2014, losing a leg and suffering serious injuries. His family remains in shock and fears they may never see justice. (Source: Prothom Alo, September 9, 2024)

The Need for Police Reform

In response to the growing concerns over mob justice and law enforcement's ineffectiveness, the Home Affairs Advisor recently informed the UNDP resident representative that a committee would soon be formed to outline the approach, process, and leadership for police reform. UNDP representative Stephen Lilal emphasized the importance of these reforms to build public confidence, reduce criticism of the police, and offered technical and financial support for the process. (Source: Daily Our Time, September 9, 2024)

Despite these promises of reform, the interim government has failed to protect minority communities, opposition party members, and even law enforcement officials themselves. Under the watchful eyes of law enforcement agencies, police stations have been looted, police officers killed, and government assets plundered, all while acts of vandalism have been disguised under the garb of military action.

Conclusion

While mob justice may seem like a quick solution to perceived crimes, history shows that it is ultimately ineffective and dangerous. It undermines the rule of law, perpetuates violence, and often leads to the wrongful punishment of innocent individuals. To effectively combat crime, Bangladesh must strengthen its legal and judicial institutions, improve law enforcement, and address the root causes of public distrust in the justice system. Only by doing so can the country build a more just and equitable society where all citizens feel secure and confident in the rule of law.

Author: Delwar Jahid, President of the Bangladesh North American Journalists Network, researcher, and analyst on human rights and law.

 

DHAKA, April 15, 2017 (BSS) - Thousands of people thronged the streets and different popular places in the capital and elsewhere across the country as the nation yesterday celebrated its most colourful and traditional festival Pahela Baishakh to welcome the Bangla New Year 1424. 

Cultural and musical groups started off the first day of the Bangla year with songs and other performances at city parks while students of the Institute of Fine Arts of Dhaka University and youngsters brought out a "Mongol Shobhajatra" (procession of good wishes) in the morning as part of the carnival. 

The day broke with the chirping of birds as usual, but the singing of "Esho hey Baishakh esho esho" everywhere in Bangladesh gave the day really a festive dimension. 

Men in traditional pajamas and 'punjabi' and women in white and red saris joined the celebrations along with children in colourful attires, streaming through Dhaka streets as the first light of the sun rang in Bangla New Year.

National dailies have brought out colourful supplements while state-run Bangladesh Television and Bangladesh Betar and private TV channels and radio stations aired special programmes to mark the occasion. Festive mood gripped all major cities and towns with different programmes of cultural groups.

Ramna Batamul appeared as the main attraction of the New Year celebrations as "Chhayanaut" and other cultural groups have been staging traditional functions since morning. 

The day was a public holiday. 

President Abdul Hamid and Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina in separate messages greeted the countrymen on the occasion of Pahela Baishakh. 

They wished peace, happiness and prosperity of the people and the country in the New Year. 

The traditional Mangol Shovajartas (processions of good wishes) were also brought out at divisional, district and upazila levels to reach the traditional programme to grassroots as it earned the UNESCO recognition.

However, business communities, especially in the rural areas opened their traditional 'Halkhata', new account books to mark the day. 

Important buildings and establishments as well as city streets and islands were illuminated with colourful lights and graffiti were painted in the walls signifying the arts, culture and heritage of the country. 

Sammilita Sangskritik Jote organised solo and chorus folk music, dance and recitation of poems at Mirpur, Dania, Rayerbazar and different places in the capital city in the afternoon. 

Bangla Academy staged cultural function and solo lecture at Rabindra-Chattar on the premises of the academy since 7.30am while a 10-day book-fair titled "Boier Arang" began marking the festival.

 

 

Besides, Bangladesh Small and Cottage Industries Corporation and Bangla Academy organizesd a 10-day Baishakhi Fair on the academy premises. 

 

Dhakeswai National Temple also organized fair while Jatiya Press Club arranged a variety of traditional food items for the members and their family on the club premises. Dhaka Reporters' Unity also arranged identical programme. 

 

Intensified security measure was ensured across the country including capital Dhaka to avert any untoward incident on Pahela Baishakh celebration. 

 

Ramna Park and Suhrawardi Udyan areas have been taken under complete CCTV surveillance while Police in uniform and in undercover were deployed in and around the function arenas including Ramna Park. Visitors entered the venue through archways and metal detector checking, witnesses said.

 

Watchtowers have been installed in all the important places to monitor the movement of people while DMP also supplied pure drinking water to citizens and organized blood donation camp.

 

The local administrations arranged procession, cultural functions, village fairs and discussions at the divisional, district and upazilla levels on the occasion. 

 

Improved diets of Banglee food was distributed among the inmates of jails, hospitals and orphanages in the capital and elsewhere across the country. 

 

Cultural functions were also arranged at jails and orphanages across the country. 

 

Bangladesh National Museum, Bangladesh Folk and Craft Arts Foundation, and archaeological sites under Department of Archaeology remained open for children, students and persons with disabilities to visit free of cost. 

 

All educational institutions of the country including Rajshahi, Chittagong and Jahangirnagar universities also celebrated the day separately with enthusiasm and traditional gaiety. 

 

Reports reaching here said Pahela Baishakh was also celebrated in Chittagong, Khulna, Rajshahi, Sylhet, Barisal, Jhalokathi, Rangpur, Faridpur, Madaripur, Gopalganj, Shariatpur, Mymensingh, Habiganj, Magura, Narayanganj, Munshiganj, Rangamati, Bagerhat, Kurigram, Kushtia, Joypurhat, Panchagarh, Khagrachhari, Laxmipur, Moulvibazar, Natore, Narail, Shariatpur and other districts amid huge enthusiasm. 

 

According to historical records, celebrations of Pahela Baishakh, the first day of the Bangla Calendar Year, started from Emperor Akbar's reign when it was customary to clear all dues on the last day of the Bengali month of Chaitra with businessmen opening "halkhata" or new book of accounts in their shops. 

 

In line with the tradition, the rural Bangladesh, with people thoroughly scrubbing and cleaning the homes, bathing early in the morning and dressing in fine clothes, rises with a new hope on this day.

International Mother Language Day Celebration 2015 by BPCA